Malaysian PM caught up in murder, bribery scandal

THE plot has all the trappings of a B-grade movie: the murder of a glamorous Mongolian socialite amid allegations of high-level bribery, blackmail, betrayal and political cover-up.

But these are real-life events, and they could set back the chances of Malaysia's ruling coalition in an election that Prime Minister Najib Razak must call by midyear.

Mr Najib denies involvement but the allegations will not go away. The internet in Malaysia is running hot with allegations by a disaffected businessman, Deepak Jaikishan, who is well connected in the ruling United Malays National Organisation.

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak. Photo: AFP

They relate in part to the alleged cover-up of the murder of 28-year-old Mongolian fashion model and translator Altantuya Shaariibuu in a patch of jungle in the Kuala Lumpur suburbs in 2006.

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The second part of the controversy is driven by an inquiry in France into a complex money trail left by Malaysia's $US2 billion purchase of two French-Spanish built Scorpene submarines in 2002 while Mr Najib was defence minister.

Ms Shaariibuu worked as a translator in the latter stages of the deal negotiations.

Businessman Abdul Razak Baginda, one of the PM's best friends and a policy adviser, was Ms Shaariibuu's lover. Photo: Reuters

The link between the two events is a Ferrari-driving businessman, Abdul Razak Baginda, one of Mr Najib's best friends and policy advisers, who was the director of the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre.

Mr Najib, who is preparing to contest his first election since being installed in power by his party in 2009, denies ever meeting Ms Shaariibuu or having any link with her. The government denies any wrongdoing in the submarine purchases.

But it was two of Mr Najib's bodyguards who dragged Ms Shaariibuu from a car, knocked her unconscious and shot her twice in the head on October 19, 2006, according to court testimony. She had begged for her life and apparently that of her unborn child.

The killers then wrapped her body in C4 plastic explosives obtained from the military and blew her up, ensuring the foetus was destroyed along with the identity of the father. For good measure, they erased her entry into Malaysia from immigration records.

The Scorpene submarine story has been tumbling out since 2002 when Mr Najib ordered them from French ship builder DCNS.

Two French investigating magistrates are looking into so-called ''commission'' payments of about $US160 million into companies reportedly set up by Mr Baginda. Documents have been seized from the DCNS offices in Paris.

Ms Shaariibuu, who spoke several languages, became Mr Baginda's lover after they had met in Hong Kong. Stunningly beautiful, she had been married to a popular Mongolian singer and to the son of a famous Mongolian fashion designer.

Ms Shaariibuu admitted in a letter found after her murder that she had been blackmailing Mr Baginda, who had jilted her after they had travelled through Asia and Europe together.

She reportedly had wanted a $US500,000 cut to remain silent about her knowledge of the deal.

Ms Shaariibuu was abducted outside Mr Baginda's house, where she was said to be causing a scene. Her murder was eventually uncovered following continued pressure from her well-connected family and the Mongolian embassy in Kuala Lumpur.

The two bodyguards were convicted of murder in 2009 but have claimed they are scapegoats and are appealing against death sentences. Pleading with a court not to execute him in February 2009, Sirul Azhar Umar described himself as a ''black sheep that has to be sacrificed'' to protect unnamed people.

''I have no reason to cause hurt, what's more to take the life of the victim in such a cruel manner,'' he said.

''I appeal to the court, which has the powers to determine if I live or die, not to sentence me so as to fulfil others' plans for me.''

A judge sensationally dropped an abetting a murder charge against Mr Baginda in 2008 before any evidence was heard and he is believed to be living in exile in Britain with his family.

Among several claims made by Mr Deepak - a carpet dealer - to opposition and independent websites are that he interceded to have a private detective change his 2008 sworn declaration that Mr Najib had had a sexual relationship with Ms Shaariibuu. The Prime Minister has repeatedly denied any relationship with Ms Shaariibuu, calling it a ''terrible lie''.

Often sensational claims and counter claims in the case have been barely reported in Malaysia's government-controlled mainstream media.

The Malaysian human rights non-government organisation SUARAM, whose approach to a magistrate in Paris in 2010 prompted the French investigation, has complained of official harassment.

But the claims are hot issues on opposition and independent websites, led by the Hong Kong-based Asia Sentinel online magazine, which published confidential files on the case last year and whose editor, John Berthelsen, has doggedly pursued the story for years.

Malaysia, with a population of 28 million, has an internet penetration of more than 62 per cent, one of the highest in south-east Asia.

Some commentators in Kuala Lumpur, including Wong Choon Mei writing in the Malaysia Chronicle, have speculated that 59-year-old Mr Najib could be forced from office before he gets to call the election. Jittery powerbrokers in UMNO fear that if he remains head of the coalition, they may lose to the opposition leader, Anwar Ibrahim, and his Pakatan Rakyat coalition.

There is infighting in UMNO, which has shared power in the country for more than 50 years, as the latest opinion polls show Mr Najib's approval rating has fallen to its lowest level in 16 months.

Wong wrote in the Chronicle on January 7 that UMNO watchers believed former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad had decided to throw his weight behind Deputy Prime Minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, and effect an 11th-hour change in leadership, although many have cautioned that such a move could boomerang and create even greater infighting.

But Mr Najib, the son of Malaysia's second prime minister, has emerged unscathed by the prosecution of his bodyguards and is publicly ignoring the French inquiry and Mr Deepak's claims as he presents himself as a reformist, abolishing several restrictive laws and implementing a program to bolster unity among ethnic groups.

Malaysia's economy has fared well and the country is considered by the Work Bank to be an attractive place to do business. On January 8, Mr Najib denied rumours he had suffered a minor stroke due to the pressure of the allegations by Mr Deepak, saying he is healthy. ''So don't listen to the blogs, please,'' he said.

Analysts say the election will be the strongest ever challenge to UMNO's rule. Mr Najib has called the coming election ''a defining point for the destiny of the people and country''.

Read more: http://www.theage.com.au/world/malaysian-pm-caught-up-in-murder-bribery-scandal-20130112-2cmk6.html#ixzz2KDOzUdNg

From : theage.com.au

The world now knows about Najib's 'baggage' thanks to NST's 'cheap' reporting trick

It's an encounter that has gone into the folklore of our diplomatic service.

An Australian envoy meeting a senior Malaysian official heard a familiar complaint about critical coverage of his country's politics in the Australian media.

He snapped back: ''The media in Australia are not owned or controlled by the government,'' the envoy said. ''Here they all are, and throughout my time here, I've never seen a favourable report about Australia.''

Umno sent NST to 'work on' Xenophon

Senator Nick Xenophon, who went up last month to join an international team looking at Malaysia's electoral system, has just had a personal lesson in just how slanted and hostile its media can be. After the team published a highly critical report, the New Straits Times newspaper, owned ultimately by the ruling United Malays National Organisation or UMNO, went to work on him.

It took a passage from one of his old parliamentary speeches on a favourite topic - ''Scientology is not a religious organisation. It is a criminal organisation that hides behind its so-called religious beliefs'' - and substituted the world ''Islam'' for ''Scientology'' throughout. It's hard to think of a cheaper reporting trick in a strongly Muslim country.

Malaysia no longer what it seems

Australians often trip rather too naively into Malaysia's murky political world. Succumbing to the happy multicultural story of ''Malaysia - truly Asia'' a lot of us don't see the deep racial fears and antipathies swirling in the country's history and heating its politics even today.

Malaysia is a country of great wealth and many competencies, but despite decades of high growth still falls behind its potential because it hasn't yet shaken itself free of its poisonous beginnings. Riven by massive fraud, waste and economic distortion, it is a country of religious zeal, yet as noted by Bridget Welsh, a political scientist at the Singapore Management University, its political life is dirty.

''Murder, sodomy, secret trysts, sex videos and conspiracy are all commonplace, and corruption scandals occur regularly,'' she wrote on the East Asia Forum website recently. ''Both sides wallow in this political gutter, each trying to darken the reputation of the other, and not fully appreciating how much the system as a whole has been damaged.''

Najib came with a lot of baggage

Australia and Australians have often been a convenient diversion from this domestic mudslinging, with sniping reaching low points in the 22 years of Mahathir Mohamad's prime ministership.

It's getting testy again as Malaysia's current Prime Minister, Najib Razak, heads towards a critical national election trying on one hand to preserve the ethnic dominance endowed in UMNO and on the other to reform the discredited underpinnings of that power.

Najib took the prime ministership after the UMNO-led ruling coalition suffered a big setback in the last elections, in March 2009, losing the two-thirds majority in Parliament that allowed it to make constitutional amendments and control five of the 13 states to a three-party opposition alliance put together by UMNO's alienated former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Najib came with a lot of baggage - notably a kickback scandal on French submarines purchased while he was defence minister, about which two examining magistrates in Paris would like to interview him - but he's tried to wield a new broom.

Reforms that don't work

A new economic policy is aimed at watering down preferences for ethnic Malays. Stakes have been sold off in bloated public sector enterprises to try to make them more efficient. Last month, the government repealed the colonial-era Internal Security Act, which allowed indefinite detention without trial, and it changed the public assembly law.

But the reforms haven't resulted in much perceptible change. The UMNO membership is resisting a loss of Malay perks, entrenched cultures remain in public enterprises like the national airline, and a replacement security law has been widely condemned by local and international human rights groups as wide open to similar abuse as the old one.

One result has been that Najib's personal approval has been running at a high 69 per cent in the opinion polls, while the UMNO coalition's support has been a lacklustre 46 per cent or so, suggesting the public give Najib marks for trying but don't think his efforts will work. About a third of those favouring Najib say they will still vote for Anwar's opposition.

What could be, won't be with Najib at the helm

Najib's support also has flicked sharply downwards when familiar instruments of repression are wielded. A movement for electoral reform called Bersih (meaning ''Clean'') led by a doughty woman barrister, Ambiga Sreenavasan, has had its demonstrations declared illegal and then met with massive police force. The latest was in Kuala Lumpur last Saturday, attended by tens of thousands. Xenophon and other observers shared in a dousing with tear gas and water cannon.

Bersih's concerns are echoed by the foreign observer group. The electoral system gives wide scope for gerrymandering, with electorate sizes ranging from 7000 to 100,000 voters. Suspiciously, numbers of new voters, over 30 per cent of the previous total, are being registered in opposition-held electorates. Party monitors have just been barred from scrutinising the eligibility of intending voters at polling stations.

Armed force and police personnel have their votes scrutinised by senior officers, and the 240,000 public servants assigned to election duties are required to make postal votes. But strangely, the hundreds of thousands of Malaysians working overseas or employed away from their home towns are not allowed to make absentee votes. A snap poll - a campaign is usually only about 10 days - means a lot of the country's best and brightest won't have time to return to their place of registry.

Bersih's experience with the Malaysian traditional media - owned either by the ruling parties in the case of the newspapers and commercial television, or by politically-directed state broadcasters - illustrates the problem of unequal access to campaign coverage. Before its recent mass demonstrations, media stories have linked it variously to Christian, Jewish and communist conspiracies, and even Islamic extremists.

The internet has given outlets for opposition voices and analysis that reach urban, well educated voters. But rural people get only the slanted pro-government media, at best anodyne, at worse mendacious.

Xenophon's experience suggests the settings won't change for the election Najib seems about to call. It's a pity, given what Malaysia could be.

http://www.smh.com.au/

Malaysia’s striving porn & sex industry receives government’s blessing & protection

Although a Muslim country officially, many of the cabinet ministers and ruling BN MPs have sex affairs outside their marriages. Malaysia is a sex-offender Heaven, no doubt about it.

By ManaBolehMalaysia

With the world's economy heading for a tailspin after the 2008 financial disaster and in an apparent bid to keep dwindling GDP growth above 6% to achieve Mahathir's Vision 2020 objectives, word has it that the Malaysian government secretly gave its blessings and protection to the flourishing underground SEX & PORN industry. This came to light with the recent report that UMNO (the dominant ruling party) and PM Najib will protect the “Datuk T” trio who exposed the sex video involving a man resembling the opposition leader, Anwar Ibrahim, under the Witness Protection Act and Whistle blower Act. The industry always protect its own.

It is evidently clear from the Sodomy-II trial, Chua Soi Lek's (former Health Minister and current President of MCA) sex video to which he admitted he was the “actor”, Altantuya-PM French Sorpene Corruption-murder scandal and Sodomy-I, Malaysia's sex industry (porn, prostitution, massage, human trafficking etc) has the full blessing of the sex-tainted PM, cabinet and his crony corrupted police force.

The current PM has had a string of sex scandals hanging over his head while his Information Minister accused of raping his maid is still holding on to his job. Although a Muslim country officially, many of the cabinet ministers and ruling BN MPs have sex affairs outside their marriages. Malaysia is a sex-offender Heaven, no doubt about it. Money buys everything from child prostitutes to murdering your own wife if she gets in the way of your sexual escapades. Malaysia is the land where the righteous has no rights and the criminals run free and wild.

In Malaysia it is against the law to produce, distribute, possess or promote any kind of sex video; what more to screen the sexually explicit video to invited editors and leading journalists from the mainstream media. The “Datuk T” trio openly admitted to blackmailing the opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and his wife, Wan Azizah (President of PKR) to step down from politics or face full exposure. In any democratic country it is unlawful to force anyone from challenging the incumbent with such blatant criminal acts. Yet all three (one a child rapist and another a known “pimp”), had not been stripped of their honorific titles, detained or charged. What other proof do you need?

It would have been a simple task to track down the producer of the illegal video, illegal production venue, the porno stars and camera crew as several permits would have to be issued in the land where an assembly of more than 3 is deemed illegal without a police permit. So far no one has been charged yet.

Instead the Bukit Aman secretariat chief Deputy Commissioner Datuk Ghazali Mohd Amin said the opposition leader (Anwar Ibrahim) was not being investigated as there was no sign of criminal misconduct. In a land where even close proximity is an offense under the Syariah Laws, (resulting in frequent raids, arrests and some false arrests involving foreign tourists), should Anwar not be investigated to prove that he was indeed the actor in the illegal video?

If he is, he should be prosecuted under the Syariah laws as he is a Muslim. If he is not, should his reputation not be lawfully protected by the state from being tarnished?

Instead the PM and his whole cabinet seemed bent on promoting the video and more concerned with the authenticity of the video than investigating the real culprits. Why let a major sex scandal go to waste? This is a golden opportunity to promote 1Malaysia – a 1 stop centre for all kinds of sex (normal, perverse, anal, international you name it, you have it) and you have the choice of recording the sex session for your private pleasure.

Malaysia guarantees NO Prosecution even if you are a high level minister. Better still you get to keep your job and the ruling party ensures you get reelected everytime. Ever wonder why we call for a GENERAL ERECTION every four years with a guaranteed 2/3 majority sexual satisfaction for the last 50 years except the last time.

If this was an isolated breach of morality and legality, a moderate Muslim country like Malaysia could be excused for not wanting to prosecute the Datuk T trio; to keep away unwelcome sex publicity. But then the whole country from the Administration to the Judiciary, to the whole Police force seems quite obsessed with this sexual gross injustice complete with all the media fun-fare.

For the last 3 years, the whole cabinet was fully engrossed with Sodomy II which is still in the midst of a sham miss-trial. In SODOMY II a 65 year old Anwar with a notable spinal cord injury inflicted by the then IGP during his detention in SODOMY I was accused of sodomising (raping) a 24-year old intern (Saiful) who is physically larger and stronger than the alleged rapist.

In SODOMY I Anwar was charged with having engaged in anal sex with his driver (a Malaysian), his advisor (a Pakistani with a PhD) and his adopted brother (an Indonesian). Strangely, his driver who should have been jailed for several counts of perjury for the numerous discrepancies on the witness stand, was not.

Similarly Saiful who suffered no injuries or trauma in the alleged rape, was not charged. He was rumored to have received a large sum of money as did the Driver who mysteriously became a millionaire and a company director after the Sodomy-I trial. Did Saiful meet with the PM months before the alleged rape (for a scholarship despite being a dropout) and just 2 days after the alleged rape purportedly for advice by a traumatized rape victim?

The PM recently admitted to meeting Saiful (the rape victim?) on these two occasions before the purported rape incident after initially denying it. Now why would a deputy PM and later a full-fledged PM be spending so much time with a college dropout on such private matters? Since when does a high level PM-in-waiting meet a low level arsehole like Saiful in private for scholarship matters and for “rape victim trauma consultation”? Anyone believing this would be an arsehole himself.

And to prove public perception right, nothing came out of the scholarship meeting. It is on public record Saiful went for 2 medical examinations on his arsehole 2 days after the second meeting. Could Najib be giving the young Saiful advice based on his own sexual escapades which included the infamous French Scorpene-Mongolian Beauty Altantuya corruption-murder scandal? Definitely not. Were the meeting part of Sodomy-II scandal plot? Definitely yes. The timing cannot lie.

With all the government-sponsored publicity, high level ministerial obsession with sex and porn, and even screening of the sex video at the Parliament lobby, one could be excused for suspecting the government is promoting Malaysia as the centre of excellence for the SEX and Porn Industry. Not only in the production of SEX video itself but also in the procurement of international actors and actresses, in the study of legal and diplomatic loopholes, as political tools, as economic growth engines and as opposition control tool.

No other democratically-elected government in the world could be so badly tainted with sex scandals and still survive unscathed. Has any health minister in the world been caught on camera having illicit sex with a prostitute, resigned and returned as the President of a major political partner in the government all within 2 years?

Has any PM-in-waiting implicated in a multibillion corruption scandal, ordered government's specially trained UTK commandos to nab his pregnant Mongolian ex-lover to be shot and exploded to pieces using military supplied C4, ordered the kangaroo court to release his think-tank advisor who abetted the murder and still went on to become PM?

Yes, nowhere else except Malaysia. It is truly Malaysia Can (Malaysia Boleh).

Source : Malaysia Today

Travesty Of Justice

Appended below are links to articles that described how justice can be tailored and manipulated in Bolehland:-

The prime minister, the private investigator, the murder of a Mongolian model, and 114 million euros

Read here: http://www.vancouversun.com/health/prime+minister+private+investigator+murder+Mongolian+model+million+euros/3828485/story.html#ixzz15Mc8tMUi

Sodomy 2 & the UMNO mentality

By Kenny Gan, Guest Writer

While we watch astounded at Umno’s audacious attempt to ram a crumbling sodomy case through court with questionable legal maneuvers that no fair court would tolerate, we are left wondering at the mentality behind Umno. 

Is Umno aware that the world is watching and a conviction that turns Anwar Ibrahim into a victim of political persecution would be more damaging to BN than a free Anwar or a tottering MCA and a near-defunct MIC combined?

What could possibly drive Umno to undertake this risky misadventure when retribution from a public backlash is staring at them in the face? 

No government which has to face elections will do what Umno does. Sodomy II is more in tune with a military dictatorship like Myanmar or a banana republic like Zimbabwe rather than a modern democracy like Malaysia (or pseudo-democracy if you want to nitpick). 

To understand why this circus trial is going on we must delve deep into Umno's mentality. The first characteristic of Umno's mentality is that it is infantile. To a young child the present eclipse the future in importance. It is pointless to bribe a little child to give up something in his hands for something better in future. 

We can see Umno's infantile mentality clearly in the Perak power grab. It will not give up the immediate prize of Perak even if threatened with the loss of Federal power in the next election. Hence the incarceration of Anwar is an immediate benefit which outweighs any thoughts of future repercussion. 

The next characteristic of Umno may be aptly termed "the monkey mentality." Kampung boys will know how to catch a monkey by drilling a hole in a coconut just large enough for its hands to go through. Some food is place inside preferably under the watchful eyes of the simians and the coconut left alone. The curious monkey reaches into the hole to grab the food but is unable to withdraw its hand while grabbing the food. The monkey can then be approached and captured as it will not let go of the food no matter what threats it faces. 

Again in the Perak power grab we can observe this monkey mentality in Umno. Against the on slaughter of negative public opinion Umno will not let go of Perak by calling for new state elections. Similarly now that its paws have grasped hold of Anwar it will not let go no matter what dire consequences looms ahead.  

Yet another characteristic which we are all familiar with is arrogance. This is the arrogance which can only come from ruling unbroken for more than 50 years, winning election after election and steamrolling the opposition. Umno thinks it can ride the tide of negative public opinion generated from the backlash of jailing Anwar. After all it has never lost a general election with its awesome money, machinery and media. 

This arrogance also spills over into disdain for the intelligence of the people. The public are taken as gullible fools who will believe whatever they are told and who will not delve into details. They will be told to "respect the decision of the court" and "Anwar was given a fair trial and had many lawyers defending him" or Mahathir's own favorite, "the judge wrote a judgement running into hundreds of pages." What else do the people want? 

Yet another characteristic is just sheer incompetence. With Umno just like the country it governs, meritocracy has taken a backseat. The ones that rise to top are hardly the smart and intelligent ones or the popular ones in touch with the grass roots who can gauge the sentiment of the people. They are the political street fighters, voter buyers, cable pullers and the children of those in power. Umno is not only incompetent to pull off a complex conspiracy, it is also incompetent to do a cost-benefit analysis and is out of touch with the grass roots. 

The tight conformity within Umno where no disagreement or dissent is tolerated with respect to the top leadership helps to keep an eerie silence from middle and low ranking leaders who can see the ill-advised foolishness of Sodomy II but are unable to speak out or sound a warning. The component parties are just too castrated to act. 

Umno also exhibits an ossified mind which is unable to update its thinking to the present. The days when the government-controlled the flow of information via the mass media and use it to mould public opinion is over with the rise of the alternative media. 

Education is more widespread now and more people are concerned about social justice than ever before but to Umno they are still dealing with kampung folks concerned primarily with bread and butter issues. The use of old style campaigning strategies in by-elections is a product of Umno's ossified mind. 

Umno may be deluded into thinking that it has been done before so it can be done again. What they did not take into account is the vastly changed socio-political circumstances between 1998 and now. The opposition is much stronger, online penetration is at least 16 times more and voters are more demanding of good governance. 

Even then in the general election of 1999, Mahathir's cruel treatment of Anwar caused Umno's Malay vote share to collapse to 49% and it was the minorities which saved him. The minorities will not be so favourable to BN now. 

Will Umno come to its senses and pull back from the brink? Or will it go all the way and jail Anwar? We have to wait and see but don’t hold your breath for Anwar’s acquittal.

Source & Comments : Malaysia Chronicle

Living In Fear

Source: Malaysia Today

Posted by admin

Thursday, 14 May 2009 09:44

By Rebung I can't believe myself. Why am I scared to voice out my opinions? Why should we be scared? After all, is not the government by the people and for the people? But no ... I'm still scared. We are all scared. But why should we? When we see the police, we don't feel safe. But why should we? Aren't they by the people and for the people? Don't we pay taxes for them? We dread going to the courts. But why should we? Aren't they by the people and for the people? Don't we pay taxes for them? When we want to peacefully protest on the streets we see FRUs. We don't feel safe. But why should we? Aren't they supposed to protect the protestors? In democracies, police clear the roads for protestors and protect them; against internal and external threats. Aren't they by the people and for the people? Don't we pay taxes for them? When we buy papers, we're fed lies and more lies. But why should they? Aren't they supposed to tell the people the truth? Aren't they by the people and for the people? When we want to voice out our concerns to the Prime Minister, we don't feel safe. But why is that? Isn't he supposed to be accountable to us? Isn't he by the people and for the people? Don't we pay taxes for his allowances and residence? Weren't we born as citizens of this country and not his subjects? All men are born free. We were not born to be slaves. We are citizens. We pay taxes to serve ourselves, the people, not to serve individuals who care not for us and our families. The 'divine right' of kings and tyrants has no place in today's world. Take a long look at your children tonight. Are they raised by you to be the slaves of others? Do you want them to be scared too? It's time to take back our country. Our country has been hijacked for far too long. We start by liberating our hearts and minds.

The Truth That Refuses To Surface

Thursday, 05 March 2009 08:34

In my sedition trial, Superintendent Gan Tack Guan just refuses to reply to YB Gobind Singh Deo’s questions as to how and why Altantuya Shaaribuu was killed and whether someone had paid Azilah and Sirul to kill her. Gan also refuses to confirm whether C4 was used to blow up her body after she was killed. Gan, in fact, says it was not C4 and he does not know what type of explosive was used. Today, Malaysia Today will reveal the truth that Gan refuses to reveal in my trial.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

The Altantuya Shaaribuu’s case: how and why she was killed
Published in the Liberation French newspaper on 5th March 2009

This is the English translation of the Liberation French article:

Shaaribuu Setev is a bitter and disappointed man. Yet, behind the saddened face of this Mongolian lies a fierce determination. Seated in a sofa in the lobby of an Ulaan Baataar hotel rattled by gushes of a freezing wind, this sixty years old man is ready to fight. His face features, hardened by the suffering and the stern climate, and his intense gaze tell all. “My daughter has been murdered by Malaysians on Malaysian territory. And they did not have even offer a word of apology,” states this professor of psychology at the National University of Mongolia.

The assassination of his daughter, Altantuya Shaaribuu, took place in October 2006. This was a murder unlike others in a region where business conflicts or petty politics are often settled with a gun. Everything in this case, which started in 2002 when the French Spanish company Armaris concluded the sale of three submarines to the Malaysian government for the amount of one billion Euros, is out of the ordinary.

The impact of the “Altantuya case” in France, Malaysia and Mongolia has yet to reach its climax. The murder of the 28 year old Mongolian was the result of a “commission” at the price of 114 million Euros by Armaris to its Malaysian counterpart. This “commission,” which was acknowledged by the Malaysian government in front of the Parliament in Kuala Lumpur, has triggered a chain of events that has led to the assassination of Altantuya and the disappearance of several key witnesses in the case.

A report from the Malaysian police, written on 19th november 2006 and which has been kept secret until now (can be read below), reveals dry and precise descriptions as to how this young woman, a member of Asian high society, has been killed. In this document, one of the killers, a policeman of the Malaysian Special Branch named Sirul Omar, replied to the questions of an officer at a police station close to the murder scene. “When the Chinese woman saw that I was taking a gun, she begged me to spare her, saying she was pregnant. Azilah (the commanding officer of Sirul) grabbed her and [threw] her on the ground. I immediately shot the left side of her face. Then Azilah took off her clothes and put them in a black plastic bag. Azilah noticed that her hand was still moving. He ordered me to shoot again, which I did”, said Sirul. This is the first confirmation of Altantuya’s assassins’ identity. “Then we carried her body into the woods. Azilah wrapped the explosives around her legs, her abdomen and her head, and we exploded her.”

The revelation of this report in the French newspaper Liberation is the latest chapter in this colourful and dramatic saga featuring French weapon sellers, Mongolian Shaman, and Malaysian politicians. This case is explosive not only for the Malaysian government, since the deputy Prime minister Najib Razak (who is scheduled to become Prime minister at the end of March) is suspected of having links to the case, but also because it could embarrass the DCNS, this French company specialising in military shipbuilding. The French Spanish company Armaris, which sold two Scorpène and one Agosta submarines to Malaysia in June 2002, was bought by DCNS in 2007.

With her magnetic beauty and sophistication, Altantuya is reminiscent of the troubling image of a Far East Mata Hari. She grew up in Saint Petersburg (Russia), then studied at the Institute of Economic Management in Beijing. Besides speaking English, she is fluent in Russian, Chinese and Korean. The fateful cycle for Altantuya came into gear when she met Abdul Razak Baginda in Hong Kong in 2004. Baginda is a security expert and the director of the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre, a pro-government think-tank. The two quickly became romantically involved. Altantuya, nicknamed Tuya by her friends, proved to be a useful assistant, helping Baginda translate from Russian to English.

Whereas Altantuya is young and beautiful, the rich and alluring Baginda is a well known figure of the Kuala Lumpur’s elite, notably because of his proximity to the Malaysian Deputy Prime minister and minister of Defense Najib Razak (he is also his security affairs adviser). Baginda parades in the most exclusive circles of Kuala Lumpur, sometimes accompanied by his legitimate wife.

In March 2005, Altantuya and Baginda departed for Europe, touring France, Germany, Italy and Portugal in the red Ferrari of Baginda, staying in posh hotels and dining in the finest restaurants of the old Continent. This trip, however, was not only for tourism: the contract for the sale of the submarines had been signed in 2002, but important details had yet to be settled. “We knew that Baginda was used by Deputy Prime minister Najib Razak as an intermediary for weapons systems deals, especially the high level ones,” says a regional security affairs expert.

At the end of March 2005 the couple was in Paris, where they met with Najib Razak. A picture shows the threesome in a Parisian private club. “Tuya showed me the pix. She said that one of the men was her boyfriend, Abdul Razak Baginda, and the other the “big boss”, Najib Razak. I asked her if they were brothers because of the names, but she said no, and that Najib Razak was the ‘prime minister’”, said Amy, Altantuya’s best friend (Najib Razak has sworn on the Koran that he has never met Altantuya). According to a private detective, now in hiding in India, the beautiful Tuya was also the occasional mistress of the deputy Prime minister, who was introduced to her by Baginda at the end of 2004.

The story became dramatic when, in October 2006, Altantuya was informed that the commission paid by the French-Spanish company Armaris had arrived on a Kuala Lumpur bank account. It had been paid to Perimekar, a company owned by Baginda. Altantuya rushed to Kuala Lumpur, in order to claim her share of the commission from Baginda ; she said she was entitled to 500,000 dollars. Baginda and Altantuya broke up prior to this. A jealous Rosmah Mansor, the feared businesswoman and wife of Najib Razak, objected any payment to Altantuya. Altantuya arrived in Kuala Lumpur with two other Mongolian women, one of them was a Shaman responsible for putting a spell on Baginda if he refused to pay. For several days, Altantuya harassed her ex-lover.

On the 18th of October, Baginda could no longer tolerate the daily scenes made by Altantuya in front of his house. He contacted the Director of the Special Branch, Musa Safrie, who happened to also be Najib Razak’s aide de camp. On October 19th, 2006, a little before 9 pm, two police officers of the Special Branch, Azilah Hadridan and Sirul Omar, were sent in front of Baginda’s house where Altantuya was gesticulating and shouting. They had the order of “neutralising the Chinese woman.” They kidnapped her, and drove her ten kilometers away and shot her several times. Then, they destroyed her body with C4 explosives, a type which can only be obtained from within the Defense Ministry. Her entry into Malaysia was erased from the immigration records. It would appear that Altantuya had never come to Malaysia, because there is no trace left of her.

There is no perfect crime. The taxi driver hired by Altantuya for the day did not appreciate that his passenger was kidnapped under his eyes without payment for the fare. He took note of the registration plate of the kidnapper’s car and filed a complaint at the local police station. In a few days, the police identified the car and realised that it was a government vehicle.

Events unfolded that even the Deputy Prime minister Najib Razak could not impede. He tried to cover the case. A few hours before the arrest of Baginda, he sent him a SMS: “I will see the Inspector General of Police at 11 am today… The problem will be solved. Be cool”. A few hours after, Baginda was arrested as well as the two police officers of the Special Branch, Azilah and Sirul.

After a trial considered dubious by many observers, Baginda was acquitted with the accusation of having ordered the murder and released in November 2008. Accused of having perpetrated the murder, Azilah and Sirul appeared in front of the Court last month. If convicted, their sentence is death. The verdict is scheduled for the 9th of April.

Thousands of miles from there, in the Mongolian capital city Ulaan Baataar, Shaaribuu Setev, Altantuya’s father, is trying to control his anger. To him and his family, the acquittal and release of Baginda is symbolic of the unfairness of the Malaysian judicial process: “The Malaysian government is not even answering to the letters from the Mongolian Foreign Affairs Ministry,” he says.

When Shaaribuu came to the Malaysian Parliament to meet Najib Razak, the Deputy Prime minister had to escape through a back door in order to avoid an embarrassing encounter. The Altantuya case has become a key element of the Malaysian political game between Najib Razak (who is expected to become Prime Minister after the United Malay Nation Organisation (UMNO) Congress in March) and the opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim. So far, Najib Razak has navigated around the obstacles, but the murder of the young Mongolian remains a sword suspended over his head.

One of the most obscure aspects of the Altantuya case is the role of the Armaris company. In October 2007, the Malaysian Deputy Defense minister, Zainal Abdidin Zin, acknowledged in front of the Parliament that Armaris had effectively paid 114 million Euros in commission to Perimekar. He maintained that it was not a bribe, but a payment for “support and coordination services.”

Was there corruption as in the case of the Taiwanese frigates in which the French DCNS was also implicated? DCNS, a private company with public financing, has declined our request for a meeting. “Nobody can comment on this case,” was the sober reply of the DCNS Press relations officer in Paris. A document, which could establish a link between Altantuya and the French company is the guarantee letter written by Abdul Razak Baginda so that his mistress could obtain a visa to enter the Schengen zone (of whom France is a member country). The French embassy could not refuse this service to a man decorated with the Legion d’Honneur. But the role of Altantuya in the submarines negotiations is still not clear. Intelligence agencies find her background intriguing and the Russian FSB (ex-KGB) is following closely the case.

In Ulaan Baataar, Mungunshagai, the eldest son of Altantuya, who is 12 years old, is traumatised by the death of his mother. Altanshagai, the youngest, who is five years old and mentally handicapped, has not understood that he will never see again his mother. “He is asking for her all the time and is staying the whole day prostrated on his chair. Every evening, I bring him sweets and I tell him that his mother gave it to me for him”, says Shaaribuu Setev, the grandfather of the two boys. As for Baginda, he settled down in the United Kingdom with his family. He never uttered a word of regret on the deadly fate of the one who shared his life for two years.

Arnaud Dubus (in Kuala Lumpur, Ulaan Baataar and Paris)

Arnaud did extensive research into this story and travelled the world in search of the truth. I met him in Kuala Lumpur soon after my release from ISA detention after he returned from Mongolia.

This is the original cautioned statement that Sirul Azhar Omar made in the interrogation by the police on 19 November 2006 that confirms not only how and why Altantuya was killed but also that they were hired to kill her:

Source : Malaysia-Today

Malaysia’s Mongolian Murder Mystery Continues

By Kim Quek (Asia Sentinel) - The acquitted Abdul Razak Baginda does little to dispel suspicions over Deputy Prime Minister Najib’s involvement

There appears to be only one motive in Abdul Razak Baginda’s press conference on November 20 in the wake of his acquittal for murder in the case of Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu, who was executed in October of 2006 in a case with connections to the top of Malaysia’s power structure.

The press conference was designed to alleviate the mounting pressure on Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and his wife Rosmah Mansor, who have found themselves irretrievably entangled in the murder case.  These entanglements spring from two sources: a judicial process bruised by numerous irregularities and dubiety that are widely perceived as motivated by the desire to protect the real culprits; and the suffocation and dubious response to incriminating new evidences.

In the 40-minute press conference, Razak Baginda only delivered two solid points: one, Razak himself is innocent; and two, Najib & Rosmah are also innocent, as Razak claimed that the latter never met Altantuya, and that all allegations against them were lies.  Beyond these two assertions, Razak did not yield even one inch of facts that might have thrown some light on the numerous puzzles that have found no answers in the one year old trial. 

And since the court has already acquitted Razak of the charge, why should he bother to hold a press conference to perform the redundant act of once again declaring himself innocent, if it is not meant to help out his close friend and benefactor?  (Some view this as a quid pro quo, saying Razak deliberately cancelled a previous press conference on Nov 6 so that it could be held after the end of the allowable appeal period, which fell on Nov 14, just to make sure that the prosecutor would not appeal against his acquittal.)

But if Razak and the intended recipients of this supposed reciprocal gesture think that Razak’s declaration of Najib’s innocence is of any help, they are mistaken.

How Did Razak Know?

It was interesting to observe that when Razak was asked how he knew that Najib never met Altantuya, Razak was stunned and speechless for a moment, before he found his composure to emphatically utter: “I know …. I know”, without explaining how he knew. 

Stacked against this simple answer of “I know, I know” is of course a mountain of facts and events that point to the contrary of Razak’s claim of innocence.

The first event that strikes the mind is the mysterious disappearance of private investigator P. Balasubramaniam (Bala) after implicating Najib in the case.   On 4th July 2008, Bala disclosed an explosive affidavit revealing the existence of the alleged Najib-Altantuya-Razak triangle of relationship – in direct contradiction to Najib’s repeated vows that he never met Altantuya - in addition to furnishing other details that helped to make sense of this otherwise puzzling case.  The next day, under apparent coercion, Bala signed another affidavit retracting every paragraph in the first affidavit with links to Najib; and immediately after that he and his entire family disappeared, never to reappear until this day. 

In the first affidavit, Bala said he wanted to prevent a miscarriage of justice, as many details with links to Najib given by him to the police had been left out in the police statement and also never raised in court.  He therefore sought to appear in court to provide these missing links.  Regrettably, he never had that chance.

Upon disclosures of these two affidavits, the police promised to investigate them.  They later claimed to have located Bala and his family in a foreign country (the identity of which the police refused to divulge), and they also claimed to have taken a statement from Bala.  However, to this day, the police have remained silent on these investigations as well as the whereabouts of Bala and family.

Critical Evidence Blocked

Meanwhile, Karpal Singh, the lawyer for the family of Altantuya and the Mongolian government, applied to have Bala’s affidavit included in the trial, but was blocked by the concerted objections from all the participating players in the trial – the judge, prosecutors and defense. This instance of blockade of evidence to the trial is only one in a series of similar blockades that appear to fit into a pattern whereby critical evidence that was deemed important leads to this murder mystery was blocked, apparently to prevent the truth from surfacing. 

Important examples of these court incidences were the mysterious erasure of immigration records of Altantuya and her female companions at the material times of the crime, and the mention in court of a photo allegedly showing Najib having a meal at a round table with Altantuya and Razak.

In the latter case, Altantuya’s cousin Burmaa Oyunchimeg (called Amy) testified on 29 June 20007 that Altantuya had shown her the photo in Hong Kong when the former returned from a trip to France.  However, before Karpal Singh could lead the witness further, he was stopped by the judge, upon strong protest from the prosecutor, enjoined by defense lawyers. 

According to Amy’s testimony, the photo was taken after August 2005, and she considered it an indication that her cousin’s love affair with Razak had not ended by then.  This testimony clearly contradicted Razak’s claim that his affair with Altantuya ended in August of that year.  That brings us to the question of the reliability of his statements.

Emotional Outbursts

In fact, Razak was found wanting in honesty in his replies to questions on the two emotional outbursts – one by himself in mid-trial in February 2008 and one by his wife when he was first charged in 2006.

On Razak’s outburst in court on 20 February 2008, this is what the New Straits Times reported: Before proceedings began, Razak’s father Abdullah Malim Baginda whispered something to his son who was in the dock.  Razak’s demeanor changed and he walked back to the holding cell, turned to face his father and angrily shouted: “Shall I shout it out?”   His father pointed his finger at him and indicated no.

Then Razak loudly said “I am innocent! I am innocent!” before going into the cell.

When the trial judge adjourned proceedings for lunch, Abdullah walked up to his son and again whispered something into his ears.  Razak jumped up from his seat and in an animated way shouted : “Oh no, oh no.”  He then kicked the dock gate angrily as he walked out and banged on the lock-up door and looked terribly upset.  He was in tears.

And what was Razak’s explanation during the press conference for this outburst?  He said he was only venting his anger as he was upset with the postponement of the case.  That answer did not sound very convincing, did it?  So, what is the secret that Razak is hiding from us?

On the second outburst when he was charged in Nov 2006, his wife shouted hysterically “Why charge my husband? He does not want to be the prime minister.”  Razak explained that his wife was then under stress as she had not seen him for some time.

That certainly didn’t sound like an honest answer. A more reasonable guess is that she was angry that her husband was made the scapegoat for someone who was aspiring to be the next prime minister.  The identity of this person is so obvious that it needs no further elaboration.

Finally, with regards to Razak’s claim that allegation of Altantuya’s involvement with the submarine deal was a lie because the contract was signed in June 2002 while he first met the deceased at end 2004, my answer is this: whose words are to be believed – Bala’s or Razak’s?  If Bala told the truth, then there is no credibility gap in the two dates, as according to Bala, Altantuya was passed on from Najib to Razak, as Najib did not want her to harass him since he was then the deputy prime minister (Najib became DPM in 2004).

If Bala did not tell the truth, why wasn’t he sternly dealt with?  Why should the authorities be so fearful of him that he was forced to retract his statement, made to disappear and his affidavit barred from court?

Altantuya...her last moments...& her last words

[From a statutory declaration dated 1 July 2008, signed by Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal, private investigator...]

On Oct 19, 2006, I arrived at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights to begin my night duty. I had parked my car outside as usual. I saw a yellow Proton Perdana taxi pass by with three ladies inside, one of whom was Aminah. The taxi did a U-turn and stopped in front of the house where these ladies rolled down the window and wished me ‘Happy Deepavali.’ The taxi then left.

About 20 minutes later the taxi returned with only Aminah in it. She got out of the taxi and walked towards me and started talking to me. I sent an SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda informing him “Aminah was here.” I received an SMS from Razak instructing me “to delay her until my man comes.”

Whist I was talking to Aminah, she informed me of the following:

i) That she met Abdul Razak Baginda in Singapore with Najib Razak.

ii) That she had also met Abdul Razak Baginda and Najib Razak at a dinner in Paris.

iii) That she was promised a sum of US$500,000.00 as commission for assisting in a submarine deal in Paris.

iv) That Abdul Razak Baginda had bought her a house in Mongolia but her brother had refinanced it and she needed money to redeem it.

v) That her mother was ill and she needed money to pay for her treatment.

vi) That Abdul Razak Baginda had married her in Korea as her mother is Korean whilst her father was a Mongolian/Chinese mix.

vii) That if I wouldn’t allow her to see Abdul Razak Baginda, would I be able to arrange for her to see Najib Razak.

After talking to Aminah for about 15 minutes, a red Proton Aeroback arrived with a woman and two men. I now know the woman to be lance corporal Rohaniza and the men, Azilah Hadri and Sirul Azahar. They were all in plainclothes. Azilah walked towards me while the other two stayed in the car.

Azilah asked me whether the woman was Aminah and I said “Yes”. He then walked off and made a few calls on his handphone. After 10 minutes another vehicle, a blue Proton Saga, driven by a Malay man, passed by slowly. The driver's window had been wound down and the driver was looking at us.

Azilah then informed me they would be taking Aminah away. I informed Aminah they were arresting her. The other two persons then got out of the red Proton and exchanged seats so that lance corporal Rohaniza and Aminah were in the back while the two men were in the front. They drove off and that is the last I ever saw of Aminah.

I don't know where they are taking me. At first I thought they would take me to the police station and question me, but we seem to be going away from the city. Maybe they are taking me to the airport and throwing me out of the country. More than half an hour later the car enters a gated driveway leading to a double-storey bungalow in a big garden. It's a very quiet area and I have no idea where I am. I feel very worried about the situation, but I try my best to look calm.

One of the men tells the lady something in Malay and she nods and returns to the car. The men then push me inside the house and force me to go upstairs. I am beginning to feel frightened, because this is definitely not a police station. What will they do to me?

One man opens a bedroom door and the other pushes me inside. I fear they may try to rape me as we appear to be alone in this big house. The men ask me for my handbag and they take away my watch, cellphone and jewelry. Then they push me inside a big empty wardrobe and shut the door. It is very dark and musty inside and I hear a key turning in the wardrobe door. I hear the men's voices discussing something, then they leave the room, and I am alone in the total darkness. I can hear my heart pounding very loudly. The sound of traffic from a great distance tells me we are quite far from the city.

I have no sense of time. I may have dozed off after an hour, I can't be sure. My stomach is growling, so it must be long after dinner time. I feel stiff and uncomfortable and my bladder is ready to burst. Amy must be wondering why I am not back at the hotel yet. I hope she will call Ang to enquire about me at the police station. That Razak is a coward. He dare not face me. Instead he has asked the police to kidnap me....

There are voices in the room and a key turns. The wardrobe door opens and I see several figures as my eyes adjust to the light. They are wearing black hoods and I can see only their eyes - but two of them are women. I am dragged out roughly and pushed on the floor. Now I am really scared. These people are dangerous, they are not behaving like police officers at all, more like members of a secret society.

While one of the hooded men lifts me off the floor, the large woman is shouting angrily at me, calling me all kinds of names. Suddenly she steps forward and slaps me very hard across the face - again and again and again - while my arms are held tight by the men. Tears sting my raw cheeks and I tell her stop but she keeps hitting me and spitting in my face.

She calls me a dirty prostitute and says I deserve to die. I don't know who this woman is but she is totally crazy, like a demon. Sometimes she shouts at me in English and then she says something in Malay. The other woman steps forward and tears the front of my dress with great force. She pulls off my bra and gags me with it, and then she yanks down my panties, so they are around my ankles.

The men push me to the floor and take turns raping me. One tries to sodomize me but gives up and forces himself into my mouth instead. I bite him and he screams in pain and hits my head very hard, till I almost lose consciousness. This is a horrible nightmare. It can't be happening to me! Who are these insane people? They can't be policemen! They are monsters! I can hear the large woman laughing like a witch...

Suddenly I am looking at the scene from somewhere above. My body is badly bruised and almost numb with shock. It's a strange feeling, to feel so detached from my body. I feel no anger. Only sadness and pity for my attackers who are so depraved they are no longer human. I know I will never see my family and friends again, because these people intend to kill me.

I am back in my body and it hurts all over. The woman is mercilessly beating me with a cane and kicking me while the others stand back. She keeps whacking my genitals until I feel nothing... then I am thankfully out of my body again.

I watch my unconscious body being carried downstairs. They tape my mouth shut and tie my hands and feet tight with plastic rope. Then they throw me into the back of a 4-wheel-drive and slam the door shut. The vehicle drives off, followed by two other cars.

After a long time the 4-wheel-drive stops and a few people climb into it. The road is very bad and bumpy but I am hovering close to my body, observing everything that happens. There is no more sound of traffic. We must be in the jungle somewhere because all I can hear are insects chirping loudly, and heavy breathing as my body is placed on a stretcher and carried by two men along a jungle path.

When they finally stop and put down the stretcher I hear the woman's voice again. Cold water is thrown on my face and I return to my body with a jerk. Slowly I try to open my eyes but I can't focus on anything because it is very dark, except for the flashlights carried by a few of my abductors. The woman's voice is very close to my ear as she hisses: "So long, Aminah. Lovely to meet you at last. Have a pleasant journey." She laughs grotesquely and rips off the tape covering my mouth. "I want to hear you scream. Do you have any last words... dear Aminah?" She has removed her hood so I can see her face. It's a very cruel face indeed. The others are not wearing hoods but I don't know who they are, but the large woman is obviously their boss.

Out of the corner of my eye I catch the metallic gleam of a gun near my face and I know this is the end of my story. I gather my strength and say as calmly and clearly as possible, so they will hear every word: "You are evil people. I curse you forever. You will never know peace again." I feel myself transforming into a mother wolf, ready to pounce in defence of her cubs...

Then I hear a click and there is blinding flash. I am floating ten feet above my twitching body. After a while I see someone attaching something to my now lifeless body. I cannot believe they intend to blow up my corpse with explosives, so nobody will ever find my bones!


I look up and see a beautiful blue sky. The sun shines brilliantly over the distant mountains. I can hear voices singing in overtones the ancient melodies of the great steppes where my ancestors hunted and fought their battles. Suddenly I am flying like an eagle over the rugged landscape that feels so familiar. I am free as a bird and I am home at last.

 

From : Magickriver